Harry Truman Page 33

  At my father’s request, Secretary of State Byrnes tried to set up a special committee to consider the subject. But the Americans and British could not even get the Soviet representative to submit a statement. When Dad brought it up again at the July 31 plenary session, Stalin dodged the subject once more. On August 1, when they began considering the final communiqué on the meeting to be released to the public, my father expressed his regret that no agreement had been reached on the subject of waterways. He asked, however, that the final communiqué include it as a subject that was discussed. Stalin objected. He said the communiqué was already too long.

  Earnestly, my father looked across the table at Stalin and spoke to him in a very personal way. “Marshal Stalin, I have accepted a number of compromises during this conference to conform with your views, and I make a personal request now that you yield on this point. My request is that the communiqué mention the fact that the waterways proposal has been referred to the Council of Foreign Ministers which we have established to prepare for peace settlements.” He explained this would give him an opportunity to discuss the subject with the American Congress. However, before the Russian interpreter could finish repeating Dad’s words, Stalin broke in. “Nyet!” he snapped. To make sure Dad knew what he was saying, he added in English, “No. I say no!”

  Dad’s face flushed with anger. He turned to the American delegation and exclaimed, “I cannot understand that man!”

  “Jimmy,” he said to Byrnes in a low voice, “do you realize that we have been here seventeen whole days? Why, in seventeen days you can decide anything!”

  For my father, Potsdam was exhausting as well as exasperating. Prime Minister Churchill and Marshal Stalin preferred late hours, and each of the heads of state were required to give lavish dinners which lasted until almost midnight. There was also a need to entertain lesser dignitaries at small lunches and dinners. In his letter to his mother and sister on July 23, Dad gave a good description of Russia’s hospitality:

  Stalin gave his state dinner night before last and it was a wow. Started with caviar and vodka and wound up with watermelon and champagne, with smoked fish, fresh fish, venison, chicken, duck, and all sorts of vegetables in between. There was a toast every five minutes until at least twenty-five had been drunk. I ate very little and drank less, but it was a colorful and enjoyable occasion.

  When I had Stalin and Churchill here for dinner, I think I told you that a young sergeant named Eugene List, from Philadelphia, played the piano, and a boy from the Metropolitan Orchestra played the violin. They are the best we have, and they are very good. Stalin sent to Moscow and brought on his two best pianists and two feminine violinists. They were excellent. Played Chopin, Liszt, Tschaikovsky. I congratulated him and them on their ability. They had dirty faces though and the gals were rather fat. Anyway it was a nice dinner. . . .

  At Dad’s dinner Eugene List played Chopin, and Dad stood by the piano and turned the pages for him personally. They had had to scour Europe to find a copy of the score, which List did not have the time to memorize. Churchill was bored by all this classical music, and he retaliated at his dinner by having the Royal Air Force Band play a series of ear-shattering military marches.

  At one of these dinners, Dad’s already sinking opinion of Marshal Stalin slipped even lower. They began discussing Poland, and Dad asked him what happened to the thousands of Polish officers who the Germans said were slaughtered by the Russians in Katyn Forest after they had surrendered to the Russian army in 1940. Marshal Stalin shrugged. “They just went away,” he said, and dropped the subject.

  In spite of his disillusionment, my father did not lose his sharp eye for details, or his sense of humor, at Potsdam. At one of the dinners, he was amazed to see Stalin join in toast after toast, drinking a clear liquid which Dad assumed was vodka. Finally, he asked the Russian dictator how he did it. Stalin smiled and replied he was really drinking French table wine.

  In his entourage to Potsdam, Dad had included an old Missouri follower, Fred Canfil. Fred had been a county courthouse employee when Dad was elected county judge, and he attached himself to Harry Truman with total devotion and loyalty. He was not terribly bright, but he was built like a bull, and he had a voice which could shatter glass at 100 paces. One day, as the plenary session was breaking up, Dad called Fred over and introduced him to Marshal Stalin. “Marshal Stalin, I want you to meet Marshal Canfil.”

  Dad did not bother to explain Fred was a federal marshal in the state of Missouri - thanks to a recent presidential appointment. In Russia, a marshal is a formidable character, and after that, the Russian delegation treated Fred with enormous respect.

  Dad also found time to entertain his nephew and namesake, Sergeant Harry Truman. Harry was stepping on a troopship to go home when a presidential order whisked him to Potsdam for several days of high-style relaxation. Dad also drove fifty miles to visit with Colonel Louis Truman, son of his cousin Ralph, and in the course of these travels, found himself a doctor. He heard that Wallace Graham, son of his old family doctor of the same name, was stationed near Potsdam and invited him over for a visit. He liked him so much he asked him to become the White House physician. An intensely idealistic young surgeon, Dr. Graham politely told the President he would rather not take the job.

  “I want to take care of as many people as possible, not just one man,” he said.

  “Even if that one man is the President of your country?” Dad asked.

  “I’ve got a hospital full of men who’ve shed their blood for their country,” Dr. Graham said. “I can’t leave them.”

  “Do you realize who you’re talking to?” Dad asked.

  “Yes, sir, I’ll obey orders, sir,” Dr. Graham said. But he insisted on staying with his hospital until all his wounded men were discharged or moved home. Only then did he report for duty at the White House. There he wangled an agreement from Dad that he could continue his practice of surgery at the army’s Walter Reed Hospital.

  While Dad was in Potsdam, he had been importuned by numerous heads of state to visit their countries. At first he had agreed to very brief, informal visits, but the long stay at Potsdam and the imminent use of the atomic bomb changed his mind. He canceled all his prearranged visits, leaving a distraught Charlie Ross to explain it to the press, and headed for home. He paused only long enough to have lunch with King George VI aboard the British battle cruiser Renown. “I’d rather fly,” he told his mother. ‘I could be home a week sooner. But they all yell their heads off when I talk of flying.”

  By five o’clock on the afternoon of August 3, the Augusta was at sea. On August 6, the fourth day at sea, Dad and Secretary of State Byrnes were having lunch with the crew. They sat at separate tables in different sections of the large mess. Dad was chatting with sailors from Connecticut, New York, California, New Jersey, and Minnesota when Captain Frank H. Graham, a map room officer, handed him a message. Here is what he read:

  HIROSHIMA BOMBED VISUALLY WITH ONLY ONE TENTH COVER AT 052315A [7:15 P.M. WASHINGTON TIME AUGUST 5]. THERE WAS NO FIGHTER OPPOSITION AND NO FLAK. PARSONS REPORTS 15 MINUTES AFTER DROP AS FOLLOWS: “RESULTS CLEAR-CUT SUCCESSFUL IN ALL RESPECTS. VISIBLE EFFECTS GREATER THAN IN ANY TEST. CONDITION NORMAL IN AIRPLANE FOLLOWING DELIVERY.”

  “Captain,” Dad said, “this is the greatest thing in history. Show it to the Secretary of State.”

  A few minutes later the map room delivered another message, this one from Secretary Stimson:

  BIG BOMB HAS DROPPED ON HIROSHIMA AUGUST 5 AT 7:15 P.M. WASHINGTON TIME. FIRST REPORTS INDICATE COMPLETE SUCCESS WHICH WAS EVEN MORE CONSPICUOUS THAN EARLIER TEST.

  My father jumped up and called to Secretary Byrnes, “It’s time for us to get on home.” Then he turned to the crew. “Please keep your seats and listen for a moment. I have an announcement to make. We have just dropped a new bomb on Japan, which has more power than 20,000 tons of TNT. It has been an overwhelming success.”

  My father and Byrnes were so excited they abandoned their fo
od and rushed to the officers’ wardroom, where he repeated the announcement. There was tremendous cheering and excitement in both places.

  Thanks to the excellent histories of World War II from the Japanese point of view which have been written in the last few years, we now know that even after the first atomic bomb, Japan was not ready to surrender. By prearrangement, my father issued a statement immediately after the news of Hiroshima demanding they give up. More millions of leaflets were dropped over Japan, urging the Japanese people to force their government to stop the war. But the grip of the militarists was still so strong no one dared to come forward as a peace negotiator. It became evident a second bomb would have to be dropped. Three days later this bomb smashed Nagasaki. Some people have wondered why this second bomb was dropped so soon. This was in accordance with my father’s original order, which he signed on July 24.

  The second paragraph said: “Additional bombs will be delivered on the above targets as soon as made ready by the Project’s staff.” From the very beginning, Dad’s advisers, particularly Major General Leslie Groves, had been convinced it would take two bombs to convince the Japanese to surrender. The double blow left no doubt the first holocaust in Hiroshima was not some kind of fluke or accident. The Japanese reacted precisely as my father and his advisers had predicted they would. The grim reality that we could produce many of these terrible weapons - although we actually had only one more in reserve at the time - made Emperor Hirohito decide to surrender. The Emperor asked only one guarantee - “that the Potsdam Declaration does not compromise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a sovereign ruler.” My father agreed, but in a way that did not compromise his position that the people of Japan must remain free to choose their own form of government. His reply stated: “From the moment of surrender, the authority of the Emperor and the Japanese government to rule the state shall be subject to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers who will take such steps as he deems proper to effectuate the surrender terms. . . . The ultimate form of government of Japan shall, in accordance with the Potsdam Declaration, be established by the freely expressed will of the people.”

  By this time, the Russians were in the war, rampaging through Manchuria. Japan’s cause was obviously hopeless. The Emperor summoned the senior military commanders in Japan and asked them to make sure the armed forces obeyed his decision to surrender. In spite of these precautions, there was a last-ditch attempt by military fanatics to stage a coup - this after two atomic bombs.

  On August 12, in the midst of these frantic days, Dad wrote this interesting letter to his mother: “Since I wrote to you last Tuesday there hasn’t been a minute. The speech, the Russian entry into the war, the Japs’ surrender offer and the usual business of the President’s office have kept me busy night and day. It seems that things are going all right. Nearly every crisis seems to be the worst one but after it’s over it isn’t so bad.”

  The final testimony for the rightness of Dad’s decision on the atomic bomb comes from the Japanese themselves. Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu said the atomic bomb “provided an excuse to surrender.” Hirohito’s chief civilian adviser, Marquis Kido, said, “The presence of the atomic bomb made it easier for us, the politicians, to negotiate peace.”

  So the great moment came. After an all-day wait on August 14, the message was flashed from our embassy in Berne, Switzerland, where the surrender was negotiated, informing Dad the Emperor had accepted his terms. Dad immediately summoned White House correspondents and all the available members of his Cabinet to his office. In a typically thoughtful gesture, he also invited Cordell Hull, the former Secretary of State, who had been seriously ill. Standing behind his desk, Dad announced Japan had surrendered unconditionally. A huge crowd soon assembled outside the White House, as the news was flashed throughout the city of Washington and the nation. Dad and Mother went out to the fountain on the north lawn, and he greeted them with a V-for-victory sign. Then he went back in the house and called his mother. Three days later, he finally found time to write her a letter:

  I have been trying to write you every day for three or four days but things have been in such a dizzy whirl here I couldn’t do anything but get in the center and try to stop it. Japan finally quit and then I had to issue orders so fast that several mistakes were made and then other orders had to be issued. Everybody has been going at a terrific gait but I believe we are up with the parade now.

  From now on, however, it is going to be political maneuvers that I have to watch. . . .

  Already he was confronting the problems of peace.

  EVEN BEFORE HE got home from Potsdam, my father began thinking about the tremendous domestic problems that confronted him and the nation. He summoned John Snyder to meet him at the dock, and all the way up on the train from Norfolk to Washington they discussed domestic problems. In Potsdam, Dad had realized the Russians were basing their aggressive plans on the assumption the United States would plunge into another economic depression as soon as the war was over. Dad was determined not to let this happen. “He had seen how much depended on keeping America strong,” Snyder says.

  Aboard the Augusta, Dad had begun work on a domestic policy statement. On September 6, 1945, only four days after the official V-J Day, Congress reconvened at his request and received a special message from him that - temporarily - took their legislative breaths away. It was 16,000 words long, the longest message any President had sent Congress since Theodore Roosevelt. Its twenty-one points ranged from a comprehensive unemployment compensation program to a full employment law which would assert the right to work for everyone able and willing to work and the responsibility of the government to assure that right, to a permanent Fair Employment Practices Committee to eliminate job bias of every sort. It included a call for more regional river valley developments like the TVA, a wide-ranging veterans program, generous aid to small business, and a housing program aimed at 1,500,000 homes a year for the next ten years.

  For my father, this sweeping twenty-one-point message symbolized “the assumption of the office of President in my own right. . . . It was my opportunity as President to advocate the political principles and economic philosophy which I had expressed in the Senate and which I had followed all my political life.”

  It is amusing, in the light of later claims that my father sabotaged Roosevelt’s New Deal, to recall the squawks of rage this program evoked. Republican House Minority Leader Joseph Martin of Massachusetts said, “Not even President Roosevelt ever asked for as much in one sitting. The scenery is new and there is a little better decoration and he [Truman] does dish it out a little easier. But it is just a plain case of out New Dealing the New Deal.” Representative Charles Halleck of Indiana moaned that it was a call for “more billions and more bureaus.” Others took a more cynical view. They thought Truman didn’t mean it. The magazine Nation’s Business assured its readers “progressive democracy, liberalism and one-worldism” were on the loose in the “oratorical sense” but there was really nothing to worry about since “not in twenty-five years has understanding and cooperation between the White House and Capitol Hill been so cordial, so informal.” Behind these smooth words lay the smug assurance the President was a captive of a conservative Congress.

  Before many more weeks passed, a lot of people - particularly members of Congress - learned that my father meant every word of that twenty-one-point message and he had no intention of allowing Congress to smother or ignore it. He did try to restore some of the balance between the President and the Congress, which had swung heavily to the White House side during the war, by refraining from sending completely drafted bills to implement these twenty-one points. President Roosevelt had been in the habit of doing this for legislation he wanted. My father felt strongly that Congress, as the legislative branch, should write the laws. But he was equally convinced the President was responsible for seeing they got written. When the Senate passed a very unsatisfactory unemployment compensation bill and the House Ways and Means Commit
tee, thanks to the usual coalition of Southern conservatives and Republican reactionaries, refused even to bring it to the floor, much less repair it, Dad summoned the Democratic members of the committee to the White House. On his appointment sheet beside their names on September 27, he wrote: “The works and twenty-five dollars. I told ‘em either I am the leader of the Dem. Party or I’m not. That the Senate had let me down. They had no right to follow the Senate.”

  In a letter to his mother and Mary on September 19, Dad made it clear that this was no isolated incident. “I’ve been raising hell since Monday,” he wrote. “From now on that will have to happen, I guess. I hate to do it. But it’s my job.”

  He did not spend all his time raising hell with recalcitrant congressmen. He also tried to approach them as a friend and fellow Democrat, without the prerogatives of his office. On September 22, 1945, he wrote to his mother, “I’m going down to Jefferson Island today to spend the weekend, and talk to a lot of Congress-men and Senators. It won’t be a very pleasant time but it may be helpful.”

  Jefferson Island was in Chesapeake Bay. Dad spent an exhausting Saturday and Sunday there pitching horseshoes, playing cards, eating raw oysters, and trying to do some politicking with the 200 Democratic congressmen who attended the annual affair.